（题源：纽约时报 What Role Do Teachers Play in Education?）
In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn — software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled.
Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education (and teachers’ unions), “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world.
虽然该课程并未大幅提升学生的数学成绩，且仅有少数纽约学校采用（并非预期进驻的50所学校），但却是安德烈埃·加博尔（Andrea Gabor）在《教育战争》（After the Education Wars）中所提出的教改模式的一个典型范例。三十多年来，看似不可能达成统一战线的众多企业慈善家、教育技术企业家和公共教育官员率先掀起一股学校改革风潮，其特点就是极度重视技术及标准化测试，同时弱化对教师和社会的关注。这一风潮可以追溯到罗纳德·里根政府时期的“国家教育卓越委员会（National Commission on Excellence in Education）”于1983年发布的一份风格夸张的报告——《处于危险中的国家》（A Nation at Risk）。在日本经济崛起的背景下，里根总统曾对美国的公共教育（及教师工会）表现出蔑视之情，与此相呼应，《处于危险中的国家》也将美国“平庸之辈越来越多”归咎于美国学校的无能，认为这些庸才正不断削弱美国在高新科技领域的全球影响力。
Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need was a thread running through the bipartisan 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, the Obama administration’s Race to the Top and state-initiated Common Core standards, and the current charter-driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. “Accountability” became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson.
政策制定者随后将关注点转向公共教育领域。在政策制定者看来，公共教育已上升至国家安全的高度，其重要性（或高盈利性）完全无法让政策制定者将发展公共教育的任务放心交予教育部门。有种观点认为，决定儿童教育需求的应当是政治人物（而非教师群体）自上而下的政策决策，而从2001年美国两党支持通过的“有教无类法案（No Child Left Behind Act）”，到奥巴马政府的“力争上游（Race to the Top）”计划与州共同核心课程标准，再到现任美国教育部长贝琪·德沃斯（Betsy DeVos）推行的特许学校议程，这一观念始终贯穿其中。“责任制”已成为标准化测试的代名词，导致培生教育（Pearson）等教育测试领域的大体量、高利润机构转型成为商业出版巨头。
The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, but what are the options when students’ future educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor documents reform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York City’s testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigan’s once fine public schools and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina.
Angkor is one of the most important archaeological sites in Southeast Asia. For several centuries, Angkor was the centre of the Khmer Kingdom. With impressive monuments, several different ancient urban plans and large water reservoirs, the site is a unique concentration of features testifying to an exceptional civilization. Temples, exemplars of Khmer architecture, are closely linked to their geographical context as well as being imbued with symbolic significance. The architecture and layout of the successive capitals bear witness to a high level of social order and ranking within the Khmer Empire. Angkor is therefore a major site exemplifying cultural, religious and symbolic values, as well as containing high architectural, archaeological and artistic significance.
The Angkor complex encompasses all major architectural buildings and hydrological engineering systems from the Khmer period. All the individual aspects illustrate the intactness of the site very much reflecting the splendor of the cities that once were. The site integrity however, is put under dual pressures: endogenous: exerted by more than 100,000 inhabitants distributed over 112 historic settlements scattered over the site, who constantly try to expand their dwelling areas; exogenous: related to the proximity of the town of Siem Reap, the seat of the province and a tourism hub.
Angkor is one of the largest archaeological sites in operation in the world. Tourism represents an enormous economic potential but it can also generate irreparable destructions of the tangible as well as intangible cultural heritage. Many research projects have been undertaken, since the international safeguarding program was first launched in 1993. The scientific objectives of the research (e.g. anthropological studies on socio-economic conditions) result in a better knowledge and understanding of the history of the site, and its inhabitants that constitute a rich exceptional legacy of the intangible heritage. The purpose is to associate the “intangible culture” to the enhancement of the monuments in order to sensitize the local population to the importance and necessity of its protection and preservation and assist in the development of the site as Angkor is a living heritage site where Khmer people in general, but especially the local population, are known to be particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions and where they adhere to a great number of archaic cultural practices that have disappeared elsewhere.
Moreover, the Angkor Archaeological Park is very rich in medicinal plants, used by the local population for treatment of diseases. The Preah Khan temple is considered to have been a university of medicine and the NeakPoan an ancient hospital.
此外，吴哥考古公园（Angkor Archaeological Park）内还生长着种类丰富的药用植物，当地居民用它们治疗多种疾病。圣剑寺（Preah Khan）据信过去曾是一所医药学府，而尼克潘（NeakPoan）则被认为是一家古老的医院。
China is expected to see an increase in the number of elderly people aged over 60 years to around 255 million by 2020, raising its percentage of the total population to about 17.8%; the older population will rise to about 29 million, and the number of seniors living alone will jump to about 118 million. The regulations and policies relating to the elderly people need to be more systematic, coordinated, relevant and feasible; the development of undertakings for the aged and the construction of old-age service systems in urban and rural areas experience prominent imbalance; the elderly care service is plagued by the shortage of effective supply, low quality and effectiveness, and manpower shortage.
The goal is laid out in the Plan that by 2020 overall development level of the aging cause will see a significant enhancement, and the old-age service systems will become improved and perfected. Social security systems such as social insurance, social welfare, and social assistance are effectively linked to charitable causes to effectively guarantee the needs of the elderly people for basic livelihood, basic medical care, and basic care. The development of aging cause and construction of old-age service systems demonstrate obvious improvement in legalization, informationization, standardization and normalization. Market vitality and social creativity have been fully stimulated. The services and products for the elderly people have more diversified suppliers, more abundant content, and better quality. A credit-centered new market regulatory mechanism has been well-established. The elderly people have received solid protection on their legitimate rights and interests, and have been provided with continuously improved conditions for them to be part of social development.
China’s reform originated in rural areas with the purpose of adjusting the relationship between farmers and land. Before 1978, hundreds of millions of Chinese people were struggling to meet their basic daily needs. After 40 years of development, more than 700 million people in rural areas of China were lifted out of poverty. From 1978 to 1985, the profound reform of China’s rural economic system provided a strong impetus for economic growth and dramatic reduction of the poverty-stricken population. According to the standards at that time, 50 percent of the rural population in poverty met their basic needs during this period. And even according to the poverty alleviation standards at present, more than 100 million rural people were lifted out of poverty during the period. This not only laid a solid foundation for China to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects, but also made great contributions to poverty alleviation and development for all mankind.
In 1978, farmers from 18 households in Xiaogang Village of Fengyang County, Anhui Province took the first step of China’s rural reform. By removing many constraints of the planned economic system and conducting family management based on the household responsibility system, farmers received contracted land they could freely decide what to grow, which greatly stimulated their enthusiasm for agricultural production.